Marginalization And Youth Unrest In The Niger-Delta Region Of Nigeria

Project and Seminar Material for Political Science

Marginalization And Youth Unrest In The Niger-Delta Region Of Nigeria


Niger-Delta crisis, cases of youth restiveness and repression are as old as the history of crude oil discovery in the region since 1958 and 1961, when exploration and exploitation of the people’s rights have been breached.
A lot of statutory laws by the Federal Government gave the oil exploration companies the backing to operate and be accountable only to her. The Federal government collects all rates and royalties without any recourse to the area where the huge amounts of money are sourced.

The principle of derivation as part of statutory allocation policy politically became a source of litigation against the Niger-Deltans of Nigeria, interest and ideological articulation (the Kaiama Declaration of 1998) of the people of Niger-Delta gave birth to joint task force co-named “Operation Restore Hope” therefore, the Niger-Deltans comparing their human and environmental destructions against the edifice in Abuja and other non-oil producing states of Nigeria, have come to their conclusion that “it is cheaper to die than to live” in so long as the government they ought to be part of unjust. This study examines these problems and hypothesized that:

  1. Youth unrest in the Niger-Delta region is closely linked to the presence of oil in the affected areas.
  2. Federal government’s lack of prompt response to the plight of the oil producing communities in the Niger-delta region aggravates incidences of youth restiveness in the affected region.
  3. Unemployment of the youths by the oil companies in the affected areas is a factor of kidnapping and hostage taking of oil workers.
  4. The sustained youth restiveness in the Niger-Delta is a function of intra-ethnic conflicts secretly sponsored by the multinational oil companies.

These hypotheses were tested largely on empirical verification using seven methods with a population sample of 300. This study is significant because it provided an objective and honest investigation of the claims of the youths in Niger Delta and the reactions of the Federal Governments and the multinational oil companies in the management of the Niger-Delta crisis and youth restiveness. Hence, the study has contributed to knowledge expansion based on its objectivity and utility, examining the political, economic, and environmental issues arising from oil exploratory activities and the effects and possible solutions to the youth crisis in the Niger-Delta. Therefore, apart from the amnesty granted to the militants in oil rich region, it has been objectively recommended that both the Federal and State Governments should agree on the best possible and urgent processes of developing the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria meaningfully. The development plans must focus essentially on social, economic, infrastructural and environmental upgrading of the Niger-Delta areas where oil minerals have been massively explored and exploited, for the oil firms and the government.

Chapter One


1.1 Background to the Study

Blood and tears are the ink with which the events and history of the presence of oil in the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria, will ever be written.

This could be attributed to a certain class of people that had continued use the instrument of the state to privatize both the natural and physical endowments, to kill, oppress, suppress, pauperize, intimidate, exploit, pollute the land and even unlawfully detain those the natural endowment ought to benefit.

According to the principle of natural law, people who give up something must expect to have something in return, but the nature and the degree of this compensation by the Federal Government has been considered unfair by the Niger-Delta people. The unsatisfactory formula for the redistribution of the oil benefits and mega billion dollars income accruable to the Federal government from the Niger Delta region is among the sources of youth restiveness in the Niger Delta. Sequel to the perceived marginalization of the Niger Delta by the Federal government, groups, movement, associations were formed within the youths for a common front or purpose, these groups include:

  • Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People;
  • Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND).
  • The Niger-Delta Volunteer Force.
  • Movement for the Survival of Ijaw Ethnic Nationality in the Niger-Delta (MOSIEND)
  • Ijaw Youth Council
  • Egbesu Boys of Africa.
  • The Ikwere Youth Movement.
  • The Urhobo Youth Movement.
  • Isoko National Youth Movement
  • Federated Niger Delta Ijaw Community.

These groups have leaders who are elected periodically and are within the framework of struggling for a better deal from the oil extracted from the region.

Oil was first discovered at Oloibiri, in an Ijaw village in the Niger Delta, by Shell (then Shell BP) in May 1956. Commercial exploitation began two years later. Half of the revenue was given to the Eastern Region government (Dibie, 2006:126) of which the provinces and communities of the Niger Delta were part. The rest was appropriated by the Federal Government under a fiscal arrangement based partly on the principle of derivation. It is of significance to note, however, that in 1957, a year before the production of oil in the area commenced, the communities of the Niger Delta and several other minority ethnic groups in the country had complained to the Willink Commission set up to enquire into their fears as negotiations began for a constitutional framework within which the country would be granted independence from Britain, that they were being neglected by the regional and central government in the provision of social amenities and political appointments. The Willink Commission declined to create a separate state for the minority ethnic groups in the Eastern Region as their leaders demanded (Imobighe, 2004:94) but their protests were later to give birth to the Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB), a special agency established by the Federal Government to tackle the developmental needs of the area because of the peculiar harshness of the terrain they inhabited.

When the military coup of 1966 and the civil war that followed in their wake put an end to whatever dreams and plans that the NDDB had to impact positively on the lives of those impoverished people, and ushered in a political and fiscal regime that did not only transfer the bulk of the oil revenue to the Federal government, as nationalized by decree, the land and mineral resources of the communities of the Niger Delta without consulting them. Thereafter, General Yakubu Gowon, the Head of State at the time, enacted the Petroleum Decree effecting this transfer, in 1969 when troops had taken control of the strategic oil terminal town of Bonny, and were pressing on their advantage to force an unconditional surrender to Biafra.

The civil war which was fundamentally an oil war, had little regard for the people on whose land the oil was derived, and all through the oil boom years lasting up to 1980. They were conspicuous in their absence when it came to allocating infrastructure and social amenities. Indeed, one of General Gowon’s key advisers in the Federal Civil Service, Mr. Philip Asiodu, made the cynical remark that the people of the Niger Delta could do nothing to change the state of affairs because they were numerically insignificant in the Nigerian scheme of things (Crowder, 1978:258). Little wonder then that when the stroke broke in 1960 with the advent of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) it took everybody, including Nigeria’s military government by surprise.

When the then Nigerian Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida established yet another development agency OMPADEC (Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission) for the benefit of the Niger Delta in 1992, he was in a manner of speaking, trying to nip the brewing storm in the bud. But OMPADEC was the classic case of locking the gate when the horse had already bolted. Umucehem, an oil producing community in the Niger Delta had been flattened and several people killed by anti-riot police on Babangida’s order in October, 1989. Youths in the town had petitioned Shell, which had been mining oil in the community for over twenty years, to assist them in providing social amenities for the people. They were also unhappy because the company had subjected the environment to devastation, spilling oil and burning production associated with gas in its flow station recklessly and ceaselessly.

The youths wanted to discuss these and other related issues with Shell officials but they were not granted audience. Instead Shell wrote to the government requesting the assistance of anti-riot police to deal with hoodlums who were threatening their staff and hindering their operations. The next morning, two lorry-load of armed policemen descended on the town killing thirty people and burning several houses.

The Umuechem massacre (Agbese, 1993:13) sent shock waves through the oil-producing communities – and forcefully brought home to them the fact that the civil war, in which the Eastern Regions succession bid was crushed and the oil receipts transferred to the central government, had not really stopped and they were now next in line for pacification. It is therefore, not a coincidence that MOSOP, an umbrella organization comprising several associations and self-help groups in Ogoni, a 500,000 strong, ethnic group in the central part of the Niger Delta emerged one year after the sacking of Umuechem. MOSOP was unique in that it was a grassroots social movement, supported by virtually all Ogoni, with a clearly articulated goal contained in the Ogoni Bill of Rights.

When no response was forthcoming from the oil multi-nationals and the government, MOSOP followed up by organizing a peaceful demonstration in January 1993 in which 300,000 Ogoni men, women and children participated.

The January 1993 march was the turning point in the struggle of the communities of the Niger Delta for emancipation. One concrete achievement of the march was the expulsion of Shell workers, by non-violent means from the Ogoni fields; the Shell company officials therefore saw the emergence of MOSOP and the growing hostility of the people as threat that resulted in the shutting down of the Ogoni wells. A real impact to their profits, a malignant virus that had to be dealt with quickly and decisively, was not to spread to other parts of the Niger Delta. However, analysts and commentators on the present crisis in the Niger Delta tend to assume that the violent confrontation between the local communities, the oil companies and the government began, only in the early nineties and that before then the area was an oasis of peace and tranquility. Inhabited by a contented and law-abiding people (Vanguard, June 2, 2009), the Niger Delta has been ruled by violence since the mid-nineteenth century when Britain and other European power plundered the coast and its hinterland of young Africans who were shipped to the new world as slaves. The Shell’s decision to collaborate with General Abacha to pacify the Osun in 1993 was merely a continuation of a firmly established tradition of suppressing the natures of the Delta with the maxim gin makes it easier to take away their economic resources unchallenged, coupled with the refusal of the British Colonial government and the leaders of the three dominant political parties – the Northern People Congress, the NCNC and the Action Group to grant the people of the area some measure of political and economic autonomy.

In 1957, General Gowon’s decree transferred the revenue from oil mined in their land to the Federal Government during the civil war in 1969. General Olusegun Obasanjo’s Land Use Act of 1978 converted oil land in the country including oil minerals obtained from them to Federal Government. General Babangida’s enactment of the Treason and Treasonable offences decree of 1993 and its application on Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni eight in November, 1995 were all piece-mean action denying the local people self-determination and in so doing, prevent them from using natural resources for their own good.

1.2 Statement of Problem

This research problem has to do with the majority of the movements that are fighting in the Niger Delta. Ijaw which is the fourth largest nation in Nigeria after the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo, are spread throughout the creeks and swamps of the Niger Delta and constitute a sizeable population of such states as Rivers, Delta, Edo, Ondo, Cross River and Bayelsa. The bulk of the oil wells operated by the Western oil companies are in Ijaw territory. Government and oil company officials alike were therefore, understandably alarmed when the IYC issued its ultimatum in December 1998. General Abdulsalam Abubakar who had taken over after General Abacha in June 1998, immediately dispatched several warships to the Delta (Obari, 1999:41). When Ijaw youths went out in the streets of Yenogoa, the Bayelsa State capital in peaceful protest. About three hundred of them were shot dead by soldiers in cold blood (Saduwa, 1999:41). The soldiers also invaded the town of Kaiama and murdered several people, including the son of the King of the town, many women and under-aged girls were also raped at gun point.

The destruction of Odi by Nigeria’s democratic government, elected only in May 1999, is not only symptomatic of the crisis that has gripped the country’s oil-rich region since the late eighties, it is also a clear indication that the brutality with which previous regimes dealt with legitimate political dissent is still very much a feature of governance in this crisis-ridden nation. It also reveals the strategic importance of the Niger Delta in the economy and politics of Nigeria; which derives over 95 percent of its external revenue from oil receipts. Thereafter, it has been repression and oppression by the Federal Government through the established Joint Military Task Force, against the liberation fighters.

In summary, the problem of youth restiveness in the Niger Delta region, deals with long period of tolerance by the youths of the oil producing communities. In fighting for the rights against unlawful arrests, environmental degradations, military attacks and intimidations, extortions and dehumanization of their wives and families, underdevelopment of all kinds, and detention of youth leaders in the Niger-Delta region, following the execution of Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) leader and Environmental Activist, Ken Saro Wiwa with eight other compatriots in 1995 by the late General Abacha’s administration. The youths in the Niger Delta (particularly Delta, Yayelsa and River States) became convinced that the Federal Government has dared them, and came to the conclusion that it was better to die than to live under the exploitative and intimidating attitude of the Federal government.

Consequently, the Kaiama Declaration of December 11, 1998 which sought for full and total control of the proceeds by the oil producing areas, which on the other hand attracted a forced resistance from the Federal Government. This difference had since degenerated into an open confrontation of the youth-movement and the Federal Government deployed armed men to the Niger Delta region, resulting in massive killings.

The empirical research question here is, is there no possible solution to these age-long crisis in the Niger-Delta region, either locally or internationally in other to stop the waste of human lives and resources?

1.3 Objective of Study

The central focus of this study is to examine how political, economic environment and other issues which encompasses marginalization, which mainly evolves as a result of oil exploration of multi-national companies constitute the basis of youth/military restiveness, resource conflicts and attendant violence in the Niger-Delta. Also, the study will examine the effects and possible solutions to the youth unrest in the Niger-Delta.

The study will also focus on how efficient the oil companies and Government agencies alleviate the suffering of the people in terms of provision of social amenities.

1.4 Hypotheses

The youth unrest in the Niger-Delta region is closely linked to the presence of oil in the affected area.

The insensitivity of Federal Government to the plight of the oil producing communities in the Niger-Delta region, aggravates the youth restiveness in the region.

The unemployment of the youths by the oil companies in the affected areas is a factor of kidnapping and hostage taking of oil workers.

The youth unrest in the oil rich region would be greatly reduced when there is adequate social, economic and political infrastructure in that area.

Improve the standard environmental procedure for companies operating in such area in order to regain the lost ecosystem, so that the people can return back to the occupation of fishing and farming.

1.5 Significance of the Study

The significance of this study lies primarily on the fact that it will:

Seek to provide an objective and honest investigation of the rationalization of the claims of the youths to the action or response of the government

Identify the roles of both the Federal and State Governments and the multi-national oil companies in the management of the Niger-Delta crisis and youth restiveness.

Through this effort, suggest useful solutions that if adopted and implemented, will bring about peaceful co-existence among the youths, between the youths and the oil companies, and youths and federal government.

1.6 Scope and Limitation of Study

This study will cover the difference violence that have occurred in the Niger-Delta and the recent one that happened in the Gbaramantu village of Delta State. However, this study will be limited to the remote causes of youth restiveness, effects on the immediate environment and the resolution effort of the Federal and State Governments so far, through the NDDC, the Ministry of the Niger Delta and the recent Amnesty offer by the Federal Government.

1.7 Definition of Terms


This is the region or states with the concentration of crude oil deposits. They are generally referred to as the oil rich region. The states commonly referred to as Niger-Delta are Delta, Rivers, Bayelsa, Edo, Abia, Ondo, Akwa-Ibom, Cross-River and Imo States.

Multi-national companies:

These are companies or corporations with their headquarters in other countries and a variety of subsidiaries in other countries. Oil multi-nationals in the Niger Delta include Shell, Mobil, Agip, Chevron, Texaco, Elf, etc.

Ethnic Youth Associations:

These are associations formed by the various ethnic groups in a community to agitate for compensations from the Federal Government and the oil companies as their entitlement coming from the resources tapped in their domain. These include for example, National Youth Council of Ogoni People, Ijaw Youths Congress, Movement for the Survival of the Ijaw Ethnic Nationality in the Niger Delta, etc. Their agitations become violent through resort to militancy to press their demands.

Oil producing communities:

These include communities where there are oil wells, pipelines, flow stations and residential estate of oil companies. These communities include areas they are proned to the diverse effects of activities of the oil industry, for example, oil spillage or coastal erosions or destroyed farmlands in cases of road link construction.


The term youths, according to Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary means the times of life when a person is young, in some contest. Youths are young people usually between the ages of 18 – 30, the age range of youths in fact varies across culture in Nigeria.

Youth Militia:

Youth militia is the mobilization and organization along ethnic or other social lives with a view to applying force in most cases to preclude, marginalization, dissemination, suppression of external threat to their survival influence and participation in government, access to power and to socio-economic resources.

Armed conflict:

According to Paris (1997:86) conflict is a prolonged combat between the military forces of two or more governments or of one government and at least one organized group, and incurring the battle related deaths of at least 1,000 during the entire conflict. In this study, armed conflict is taken to mean disagreement results into resistance of states instrumentalities to either maintain the status quo or address aggression that results in appreciable deaths that cause national or international consensus.

Ethnic group:

An ethnic group is made up of people who have common biological characteristics, lay claims to a specific territory and share common values and normative system as well as socio-cultural symbols; including language. According to Ikelegbe, ethnic group are people who see or conceive of themselves as being alike by virtue of their common ancestry, real action who are so regarded by others. The indicator of an ethnic group is anchored on cultural and physical similarities.

Chapter Five

Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations

5.1 Summary of Findings

This research study has dealt with the youth restiveness in the oil rich region (Niger delta) which had led a lot of the inhabitants displaced and caused untold hardship on many of the populace. Their struggle is based on their demand from the Federal Government for a greater share from the wealth their community has contributed to national development and sustenance. The people of these oil producing communities are asking for a redress or the federal government should confirm their resource control demand, and political autonomy.

This research study proposed to achieve the following:

  1. Compare the remote causes and levels of damages suffered by the inhabitants of the people in the oil rich region. In their struggle to be liberated from total exploitation of the natural resources by the oil exploration companies in collaboration with the federal government since 1958.
  2. Re-look at the provisions of the petroleum laws that have made it impossible for these communities to enjoy fair revenue allocation share, or possibly achieve political autonomy in controlling the resources in their backyard.
  3. Find out the extent of indigenous efforts to the solution of the Niger Delta crisis which they say is based on other neglect by both the federal and the oil companies in the host communities, and the role of past administration so far to manage the oil crisis since 1960 till date.
  4. Suggest some solutions to this age long crisis within an approximate provision of social infrastructures and other demands obtainable from any authority concerned and finally
  5. If the recent amnesty proclamation by the federal government would resolve the problem of the Niger Delta region.

In order to achieve the above objectives in the research study, the following hypotheses were formulated and tested as contained in chapter four; hypotheses are:

  1. Youth restiveness in the Niger Delta is closely limited to the presence of oil in the areas.
  2. Government insensitivity and receptiveness to the plight of the communities aggravates the crisis in these areas.
  3. The unemployment of the youths in these communities is a factor of the oil pipeline vandalization.
  4. How far the amnesty granted to militants would resolve the problem of the region.

To test these hypotheses, some research methodological instrument and techniques were applied consisting of the administration of questionnaires, oral interview and personal emphasis. Fortunately, over 200 questionnaires were retrieved from about 300 distributed. This covered about 86% of data collected in all, the questions and answers were in the matrix or Renis Likert structure where each respondent was allowed varied opinions to the question asked, that covers his/her position or belief. This methodology is found in chapter 3 of the research study work, and chapter two dealt with the related literatures, which along others drew on already written works, expressing opinions, observation, sustenance, struggles, incitements, neutrality, etc of some reporters or writers. The literature review touched on such issues as:

  1. The discovery of crude oil in Oloibiri community in 1956, etc and the activities of the oil exploration companies in the host communities.
  2. The first Niger Delta to protest oil exploration.
  3. The actions in Ogoni, Odi, Gbaramatu and Southern Ijaw town of Kaiama.
  4. The schools of thought, that is, those that are against the oil exploitation in the Niger-Delta, those that are in favour of the federal government in exploitation activities, its intimidations and suppression processes. Those who had expected the oil companies to develop their host communities and finally those that claim to be neutral.

The theoretical framework applied in this study to explain actions in the Niger Delta crisis are:

  1. The political economy theory, and
  2. The resource allocation theory.

These two theories deal with the mode of production and distribution of the productivity. The interests concerned (political economy) and the nature of allocation of the surplus value derived from the combination of the means of production and the relations of production, so as to achieve a table super-structure (resource allocation).

5.2 Conclusion

From the analysis so far in this research study, it is obvious beyond all reasonable doubt, that crude oil was discovered in the Niger Delta area of Oloibiri in 1956 by Shell O’ Arey-on Anglo/Dutch oil company but in the name of Shell British Petroleum, operated in Ogoni from 1958 to 1990 when the people of Ogoni protested their explorations without anything on the ground to show their appreciation.

As it struggle continued, the Ijaws, Ogonis and states of the Niger Delta region; their struggles which is based on the liberation and survival of their people. The recognition and development of the Niger Delta which they felt resulted in the killings of Ogonis, and many were injured.

The past government in Nigeria since 1960 have treated with disdain because they are in the minority. There have been lack of social infrastructures and political alienation from the Federation executive cabinet in which they are not proportionately represented. To these complains led to the declaration of resources control (Kaiama Declaration) on the 11th December, 1998 demanding among others the cut of oil exploration companies in their areas. This research study has shown that, despite the huge financial contribution the Niger Delta communities generate from the national government, the people of the Niger Delta especially the oil producing communities live in social deprivation and imiseration (abject poverty), their economic hope has been ruined through oil exploration as their soil can no longer feed them. The youth which resolve to taking arms complained that they are not socially and economically empowered, they live in mud houses without electricity, with polluted air and water through gas flaring and oil spills, no road for a communication network and means of improving their economic relationship with their neighbours etc. Under this condition/situation of living, the Federal Government under the era of General Ibrahim Babangida and Late General Sani Abacha, Ogoni was destroyed and disunited, under the General Abdusalmi Abubakar, almost the whole of the Ijaw people and environs were killed and exiled. The few left behind became refugees in their own house and community. Under this president Olusegun Obasajo era, Odi was finished six months after he became the civilian president. And the wanton destruction of lives and properties by the joint Task Force – name Operation Restore Hope in the Niger Delta; before the recent proclamation of Amnesty by the president.

In conclusion, the people of the Niger Delta have been unjustly treated by past administration in Nigeria, due to lack of provision of social amenities for the people, the presence of oil in these communities is a curse against them yet it brought development in the towns and cities where such natural blessings are absent.

I feel that peaceful negotiation and bargaining between the two levels of government, will promote harmonious inter-government relations. Such as the recent Amnesty proclamation and the 10 percent equity participation in NNPC granted to the oil rich region by the Federal government. To this, will strengthening the spirit of give and take among the states and federal government.

5.3 Recommendations

Based on the findings in this research study, the following recommendations are made:

  1. The federal government should as an urgent measure, provide all necessary social infrastructures, amenities to all the communities in the Niger Delta, especially where oil exploration had taken place.
  2. The Federal and state governments as well as oil exploration companies operating in the Niger Delta areas should establish industries in order to open market in the areas which will be aimed at providing employment opportunities for the youths.
  3. The Federal Government and the oil exploration companies should empower the youths of their host communities through micro credit scheme, little financial assistance either in a form of loan or otherwise, will enable the people to set up independent small scale business (ISSB).
  4. The Federal government and the oil exploration companies should jointly send some relief benefits to the people of the oil producing communities where oil explorations took place. Also to benefit from the package will include the families who lost their relatives and properties following the severe attack of the soldiers on their communities.
  5. The Federal and state governments should as a necessity empower the people of the Niger Delta socially, through enlightenment programmes that will keep the people informed of government policies of actions. This can be done in collaboration with oil companies.
  6. • Air, water and environmental pollution through gas flaring and oil spills should be properly checked by the Federal Government and oil exploration companies to prevent loss of human lives and aquatic animals.
  7. The Federal Government in collaboration with the oil exploration companies in the Niger Delta should introduce a free fertilizer scheme (FSS) to the oil producing areas where exploration has taken place, to improve the soil components of the environment, this will uplift their agricultural efforts.
  8. The Niger Delta areas and communities should be provided with good and efficient communication networks that will expose the communities to external market. This will really promote intra and inter-community relationships.
  9. All the oil-producing communities in the Niger Delta should be given the opportunity of establishing an indigenous development liaison office, which will constantly assist the federal government in monitoring the executive of projects in their areas.
  10. The amnesty granted to militants, is not enough but the federal government should embark on project that would meet the needs and aspiration of the people.
  11. For any oil and environmental policy or policies to be formulated and adopted for implementation in the Niger Delta region, adequate consultation should be done involving the Niger Delta before it is finally introduced.
  12. A memorandum of understanding should be agreed and signed between the oil-producing communities, the local government council of the communities, the state government in-charge of the communities, the federal government and the oil exploration companies, in the conditions of oil exploration and tax return or benefits to the communities directly.
  13. The federal government should set up a peace and reconciliation commission that will continuously look into intra and inter communal disputes, and possible recommendation for conflict resolutions.
  14. The federal government should establish a joint commission that will comprise the indigenes of the oil-producing communities, state government, federal government and oil companies representatives, that will always recommend development projects in the Niger Delta areas to the federal government. Although this has been taking care of through the establishment of Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and the Ministry of the Niger Delta. They should wake up to the responsibility of developing the local region.

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